promoted through an approach of "enlightened self-interest". The first step is to convince private investors that long-term conflict prevention is good for business. The second is to provide them with the tools, including an understanding of minority problems, in order to ensure that their activities contribute to inclusion and long-term stability. Third, no matter how well intended they may be, special measures to promote the economic inclusion of minorities are destined to fail if they are not devised, implemented and evaluated in a genuine partnership with minorities. If consultation is limited to a token process, it will be meaningless, if not counter-productive. Conversely, meaningful consultation and effective participation require special arrangements such as those included in the Recommendations of last year’s Forum. Let us therefore underline the links between both domains. Fourth, in order to effectively assess, on the one hand, the scope and nature of inequality and, on the other hand, the results of special measures to address them, we need reliable and disaggregated data. We need to base and evaluate policies on a sound factual basis in order to move beyond perceptions and assumptions. As with non-discrimination policies, this requires strong and independent institutions. Fifth, in order for economic policies to be truly inclusive, States need to actively fight corruption. In weak or emerging States, state power is often “privatised” and the public institutions that constitute the state can become the private realm of corrupt officials, black market businessmen and organised crime. Under such circumstances, the official legal framework is replaced by the informal rules of clans and networks. What