Third, we cannot talk about development-induced conflicts without mentioning the role of international financial institutions, official development assistance and humanitarian organizations. Although many donors today ascribe to the different forms of the “Do No Harm” principle, when it comes to minorities, these principles and guidelines are most often ignored. For example, around the same period when the Ethiopian government was promoting large-scale agricultural investments and villagization programs in minority regions, the World Bank also approved 2 billion USD under the so called “Promoting Basic Services (PBS)” project to be used for improving access to basic services nationwide. In Gambella, according to the World Bank’s own Inspection Panel, part of this money was used to pay salaries of officials who facilitated the villagization program. The Inspection Panel report also admitted that the Bank breached its own rules in designing and supervising the PBS project including failing to apply its policy on indigenous Peoples. However, despite these findings, the Inspection Panel concluded that the Bank could not be held responsible for relocations and harms suffered by the Anywa community in Gambella. This demonstrates the level of vulnerability of minorities not only in the hands of their national governments but also before international organizations that are supposed to uphold these international human rights standards. Therefore, this calls for donors to put in place mechanisms to ensure that their funds are not used to abuse minorities but benefit them. Finally, none of the above can be achieved without an enabling civil society space whereby minorities could freely organize, associate and peacefully defend their interests. The ultimate guarantor of minorities rights are neither their representatives/institutions, nor international organizations. It is minorities themselves. If there is no democratic space for minorities to constantly hold their representatives and institutions in check or to question economic development polices and lodge complaints to independent bodies without fear of reprisals, none of the above can be achieved. Unfortunately this is an area where minorities and majorities alike suffer in Ethiopia. The recent nearly nationwide protests and the declaration of state of emergency are indicators of the consequences of closing civil society space. Therefore, if we have to ensure sustainable peace, equitable development and just society, maximum civil society space where different views are peacefully expressed and contested, is indeed need to be embraced as the solution not stifled as the problem.