E/CN.4/2005/18/Add.3 page 14 worthwhile historical research project, its political application can be traced back, on the one hand, to its use in public statements in 1994 during the campaign for the presidential elections to be held the following year, and on the other, to its deliberate use in political and media discussion to demonstrate the illegitimacy of the nationality - and thus the candidacy - of Alassane Drahmane Ouattara, President Houphouët-Boigny’s former Prime Minister. The notion of ivoirité was revived again later by General Guéï before the 2000 elections. In the context of rising ethnic tensions, the concept has been given an ethnicist slant, profoundly influencing political discourse and insidiously reshaping inter-ethnic perceptions. At base, the concept of ivoirité has had a deep and lasting effect on the development of the dynamic of xenophobia in Côte d’Ivoire. For ordinary people, its central place in the political and media debate has given it a dual thrust: for some it is an instrument for reinforcing identity, others interpret it as a term of exclusion. In one semantic development from this idea of ivoirité, the population has been graded, as it were, into “ethnic Ivorians” and “temporary Ivorians” and a notion of degree introduced (100 per cent, 50 per cent or 30 per cent Ivorian). C. Political expressions of the dynamic of xenophobia 44. Political, institutional and administrative practice, on just the basic issues that constantly recur in the Ivorian crisis - residence permits, nationality, rural property and eligibility for the presidency - have lent substance and legitimacy to the dynamic of xenophobia. Residence permits 45. The introduction of a residence permit for non-nationals in 1991, with no credible effort to provide the groups concerned with explanations or information, and in the context of political competition, was inevitably seen as the first legal manifestation of the political manipulation of ethnic factors. Non-nationals, in particular those from the subregion, had until then been made welcome and even encouraged to settle in Côte d’Ivoire with no formalities whatsoever. The Special Rapporteur was told that, in the process of weeding the electoral registers following the introduction of the residence permit, some Ivorians felt they were being marginalized. This was particularly the case for those from the border regions near Guinea, Mali and Burkina Faso, many of whose family names are identical to those of nationals of those countries. The political context of ethnic tension and the administrative handling of the introduction of the residence permit left these groups with a deep-seated sense of exclusion. Nationality 46. In a multiparty system, nationality is a decisive issue insofar as it determines individual eligibility to take part in elections. Côte d’Ivoire adopted jus sanguinis in 1972, which means that anyone who is born to Ivorian parents, marries an Ivorian, is adopted by an Ivorian or obtains Ivorian nationality by naturalization is or becomes Ivorian. According to information provided to the Special Rapporteur, identity cards issued since 1995 have been regarded with a degree of suspicion, partly because in some cases they were allegedly given to foreign nationals for purely electoral purposes. In a situation where migrants’ right to vote and their electoral allegiances become a key factor in a political contest, possession of an identity card can no longer be seen as proof of nationality, and this opens the door to abuse and creates deep divisions within Ivorian society. The Special Rapporteur is particularly concerned at a clause in the Ivorian nationality certificate issued by the courts, which states that, while there is a presumption