In this supposed post c olonial and post modern era, minorities are found living in frontiers and borderlands where 'c ulture' is c onstantly c ontested and negotiated. These frontiers and borderlands are also ric h deposits of natural resourc es that are c laimed and now risk exploitation of vested interests. In Southeast Asia, for example, the objec t of disputes by nation-states are ric h deposits of natural gas in Sulu and Sulawesi seas. And these are homeland to a variety and number of indigenous and ethno-religious minorities. Meanwhile the mountains and undergrounds in the entire archipelago of the Nusantara are being bulldozed and planed and burrowed and caved-in by corporate mining interests, and these are inhabited not by wild animals but by humans, people of ethnic origin and minorties mostly, who desperately hold on to what little of tradition and culture is left. Global exploitation and expansionism encroaching into ancestral lands and resources are barring indigenous and ethni-religious minorities from their own progress and development. Deprivation and impoverishment have pushed women into becoming victims of contemporary forms of slavery in forced captivity as domestic servants and various forms of enslavement to overseas labor. Communities are being forced into mass migration and hundreds of thousands of ethnic and minority women continue to live in diaspora, undocumented dtixens and stateless; making them at risk and vulnerable to trafficking and sexual abuse. Yet in the transactions between national, international and inter-governmental bodies these minority communities are nowhere to be found nor represented in the formal talks, neither are they engaged even in informal dialogues. Are these to be interpreted as deliberate conscription between the said exclusive and elite circle? These are among the stories of how we keep on suffering and are continually being marginalixed and rendered invisible. Minority women's effective partidpation in political life can not be guaranteed by mere piecemeal interventions and unsustained projects, programs or pieces of legislations, however well-meaning they are. It can not happen by mere and token representation of women or a few who advocate about women. The only guarantee is if the root causes of women's suffering and the main obstades and deterrents to their participation are eliminated. And these are burdens of the past history and crucial determinants of present state of marginalization and discrimination. If we fail to tackle these decisively, we have failed altogether in all other recommendations that we have so painstakingly laid down here in these UN FMI Session which, from my vantage, are of less strategic remedies. My last plea is a concrete call to action. I am addressing the Governments of Spain and the United States of America spedfically to appeal for them to examine their consdence and once and for all end the colonization of the Bangsamoro minority nationality within the Philippine Republic. Be it within or outside the ambit of the U.N. I urge the Spanish government and the United States government urged to immediately undertake necessary and urgent geo-political diplomatic administrative complemented with international legal measures, spedfically to unwrite the consequences of the Treaty of Paris it signed in August 21, 1898 that unilaterally and illegally ceded the Bangsamoro homeland to the Philippine Republic and unjustly trampling on the sovereignty of the Sultanates of Sulu and Maguidanao and undermined traditional governance in indigenous Moro and Lumad principalities in the rest of Mindanao. A derisive step towards this will once and for all DECOLONIZE our minds and imagination. And wake us up from the nightmare — we, national minorities, perennial nationalists dreaming of its own nation-state and self-determination at a time when, as late Arab leader Muammar Khadafy once said : a time no longer for nations, but for peoples.