A/55/280/Add.2 also economic and religious factors, such as poverty, illiteracy, and the weight of tradition. It is clear that poverty is the primary and crucial problem in Bangladesh, to the extent that all the other problems can seem secondary in comparison. However, while bearing in mind the economic and social context in Bangladesh, which is common to all developing countries, it seems that the key common denominator with regard to the problems described is the exploitation of religion by the political sphere. 95. Although historically, one of the founding principles of Bangladesh was non-interference in religion and politics, constitutionally recognized through the principle of secularism and the ban on religious parties, these principles have gradually been undermined, especially during military coups d’état. The Constitution was amended by military leaders in order to establish Islam as the State religion. Their intention was to exploit the Muslim majority’s commitment to Islam, in order to legitimize their hold on power. This measure also facilitated the return of those who had originally opposed Bangladeshi independence: Jamat-e-Islami, a religious party generally regarded as extremist. The restoration and legitimization of this party effectively sanctioned the politicization of the religious sphere, to the detriment of the State, society, and hence all religious communities. The exploitation of Islam within the political sphere in fact allowed extremists — including Jamat-e-Islami — to gain parliamentary representation, and led other parties to employ a similar strategy. Thus, despite its commitment to secularism, the party presently in power used religious symbols such as the Koran and the veil during the last electoral campaign. Despite its Government’s progressivism in declaring itself in favour of religious harmony, religious and ethnic diversity, and the demarginalizing of vulnerable groups, including women, and in negotiating a Peace Accord in the Chittagong Hill Tracts, the Government now seems to be trapped by its purely electoral strategy of incorporating religion into the political sphere. 96. First of all, the State appears more sensitive to the interests of Muslims. For non-Muslim minorities and ethnic groups, this is reflected especially in obstacles encountered with respect to access to public-sector jobs, especially positions of responsibility, weaker financial support for the religious institutions of these communities, and the teaching of their religion in public schools. This approach also appears to be the reason for the delays in full implementation of the Peace Accord in favour of the ethnic communities of the Chittagong Hill Tracts. 97. Also, the State appears to be powerless, or at least weakened, in its efforts to combat religious extremism, to the detriment of Muslims, minorities, and women. Indeed, apparently for fear of offending the religious feelings of the majority — who are often poor and illiterate, and have a superficial and traditional knowledge of religion — the authorities do not appear to be earnest in their efforts to combat the harmful effects of religious extremism. Thus, a climate of insecurity affects the Ahmadis, religious minorities, and women of all faiths, due to sporadic, but traumatic attacks against Ahmadi and non-Muslim institutions (particularly places of worship); the stealing of land (especially Hindu land), or attempts to appropriate assets illegally; threats against women; or fatwas declared against Muslims. In the face of these attacks, which are organized and/or encouraged by extremists, the State does not appear to be playing its role of suppression or its role of prevention. In the majority of cases, during attacks against Ahmadis and minorities, intervention by the forces of law and order is questionable, because officers often either do nothing or are slow to offer assistance. Furthermore, those responsible are rarely identified or pursued. The Special Rapporteur would, however, like to pay tribute to the attention brought by the Government to the problem represented by fatwas in the context of its National Action Plan for Women’s Advancement, and would encourage the Government to implement its recommendation aimed at combating the practice of the fatwa. 98. For the reasons outlined above, the State also seems to be at a standstill with regard to all those initiatives that are regarded as unpopular, but are necessary in terms of human rights, such as the reexamination of the Vested Property Act, the adoption of legislation in favour of women, notably the reform of religious personal laws and the abolition of polygamy, as well as measures (including through sanctions) to implement laws on the registration of marriages and divorce and the minimum age for marriage. 99. It is vital that Bangladesh combat religious extremism, which constitutes a real danger. Although extremists — in particular the Jamat-e-Islami party — do not hold many seats in Parliament, they nonetheless 23