amount to cooperation, although this minority body may have had no real scope to influence the development of the curriculum. It is Adalah's view that bodies representative of minorities should be granted decision-making powers over the content of curricula relating to minorities. Further, members of minority groups should have representation in positions of power in education ministries or other authorities deciding upon curriculum. In the case of Israel, for example, Palestinian Arab schools in Israel have their own curriculum, but it is designed and supervised by the Ministry of Education, where almost no Arab educators or administrators have decision-making power. 2) "State educational authorities should ensure that the general compulsory curriculum for all in the State includes teaching of the histories, cultures and traditions of the minorities" This provision should be expanded to include a stipulation that the teaching of the histories, cultures and traditions of the minorities should be given from the perspective of the minorities themselves. Without this clarification, educational material on minority histories, cultures and traditions may reinforce majority-held stereotypes and prejudices against minorities. Such additional language is relevant in a context such as that of the Palestinian Arab minority in Israel. Since the establishment of the state in 1948, the General Security Services (GSS or Shabak) maintained tight control over the Arab education system in Israel and a GSS officer held a high-ranking position in the Arab Education Division of the Education Ministry. The GSS officer, in effect, determined the hiring and firing of Arab teachers, principals and inspectors; Arab educators were always fearful of the ever-observant eye of the GSS and of losing their jobs causing an atmosphere of suspicion in Arab schools among students and faculty. Further, in 2000, Israel amended the State Education Law of 1953. While the new law added human rights and fundamental liberties as educational goals, it also included three separate provisions regarding the inculcation and teaching of Jewish values, history, and religious studies - codifying each as distinct areas of required study, and thus expanding the range of Jewish-identified education that must be taught throughout the educational system. Section (2) defines the state as Jewish and democratic, a pairing that codifies discrimination against "non-Jewish" citizens and impedes the realization of full democracy. Section (3) perpetuates the teaching a version of history that contorts or completely omits the history of the Palestinian people. Section (4) was drafted to require compulsory teaching of Torah in all public schools, including Arab schools. Section (11) acknowledges the presence of "non-Jews" in the educational system but it has weaker language than any other section of the amendment. Where the other ten sections begin with directives like “teach” and “inculcate,” Section (11) suggests that students should “know” the language and heritage of others, but does not recommend how the state education system should help them reach that goal. While Arabic is one of Israel’s two official languages, Arabic is not compulsory in the Jewish school system and is not required for high school matriculation. Moreover, in March 2000, Yossi Sarid, the then-Education Minister of Israel, suggested including poems by the prominent Palestinian national poet Mahmoud Darwish in the general Israeli high school curriculum. This move promoted a no-confidence vote in Israel's parliament against the government, and then-Prime Minister Ehud Barak declared that Israel was “not ready” for Mr. Darwish’s work. 3) "Educational curricula should not include materials stereotyping or demeaning minorities, and teachers and other education personnel should avoid the use of