E/CN.4/2001/0063 page 41 religious property, the banning of religious seminaries, interference at various times in procedures for electing religious dignitaries, restrictions on freedom of worship in public and, at times, even a climate of insecurity that affects Christians. 161. It is true that the rich diversity of religious life is gradually being eroded in Turkey. In a spirit of dialogue and cooperation, the Special Rapporteur has prepared a series of recommendations for the Turkish Government with respect to legislation and policy in the field of freedom of religion and belief and the situation of non-Muslim communities. B. Visit to Bangladesh 162. The Special Rapporteur’s visit to Bangladesh in May 2000 was the subject of a report submitted to the General Assembly at its fifty-fifth session (A/55/280/Add.2) which was also transmitted for information to the Commission on Human Rights. 163. A study of legislation in Bangladesh revealed that constitutional and penal measures guarantee freedom of religion and belief and their manifestations, but that, despite positive initiatives by the Government to enhance the protection of women, existing legislation on the status and capacity of persons discriminates against women, as does the Vested Property Act, which is simply a tool for robbing the Hindu community of its property. 164. With regard to policy and the sphere of religion and belief, the State does, in general, respect freedom of religion and belief and manifestations thereof. However, the situation of religious and ethnic communities is not without its problems, some of which are very serious. One problem that needs to be stressed is the complexity of the various situations. The obstacles, intolerance and discrimination that can affect religious and ethnic communities are due to a combination of several factors. These are essentially political and religious in nature, but there are also economic and social considerations such as poverty, illiteracy and the weight of tradition. 165. This being the case, it seems that the key common denominator with regard to the problems described is the exploitation of religion for political ends. The involvement of extremist religious parties in Bangladesh politics and the use of Islam as a stepping stone to power has led to the adoption of a similar strategy by other political parties. Another consequence is that the State appears more sensitive to the interests of the Muslim majority. For non-Muslim minorities and ethnic groups, this is reflected in a number of obstacles to access to public-sector jobs, especially positions of responsibility, and lukewarm financial support for their religious community institutions and the teaching of their religion in public schools. The same approach appears to be the reason for the delays in the full implementation of the Peace Accord in favour of the ethnic communities of the Chittagong Hill Tracts. 166. Moreover, the State is to some extent hamstrung in its efforts to combat religious extremism. This prejudices the position of Ahmadis, non-Muslims and women who live in a climate of insecurity (as reflected in attacks on minorities and fatwas against women) whipped up by extremists who seek to control society through mosques, madrasahs and charitable organizations. These extremists also challenge any progressive and enlightened development of society, for example the emancipation of marginalized groups such as women, which is