A/HRC/16/45/Add.1 failure to deliver sufficient tangible results. For example, housing subsidies for displaced persons do not cover the market costs of housing and few have additional resources to cover the deficit. It is evident that financial resources allocated to projects are too often failing to trickle down to the communities which urgently need services. V. Violence and displacement A. Disproportionate displacement of Afro-Colombians 33. Decades of armed conflict between the Government, paramilitaries and guerrilla forces have played out largely in Afro-Colombian territories. Paramilitary groups have been officially demobilized and the official position of the Government is that the “armed conflict” has ended, even though some violence continues18. Nevertheless, in every rural Black community that the independent expert visited she heard credible stories of ongoing violence, murders and threats. Whole communities are forced to flee their lands to seek security in towns and hostile urban environments. Communities believe that there is impunity for those who commit crimes against them. 34. While large-scale massacres and atrocities are now less common, the opinion expressed to the independent expert in many communities that she visited is that the names, uniforms or tactics of illegal armed groups may have changed, but violence remains in the form of selective murders, disappearances, intimidation and forced confinement. Their experience is that demobilization has not put an end to the violence; paramilitaries have regrouped under new names such as “Las Águilas Negras” (the Black Eagles) or “Los Rastrojos”. Afro-Colombian communities still report consistently high levels of violence and intimidation. 35. Non-governmental organizations report an alarming escalation in the violence in recent months, including some 20 murders of Afro-Colombian leaders in 2009, either that had not been investigated or where investigations had produced no results19. The United Nations Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions20 documented ongoing killings by illegal armed groups and members of the security forces, including cases of “false positives”21. He confirmed that “Indigenous and Afro-Colombian communities have been victimized by all parties to Colombia’s conflicts” and that “historically, paramilitaries, sometimes in collusion with State forces, appropriated land from the indigenous or Afro-Colombians and committed massacres to intimidate local populations or overcome their resistance”. The Government states that these acts constitute criminal phenomena which do not indicate a State policy or pattern of racial or ethnic discrimination, and, further, that important steps have been taken to investigate such acts and punish those responsible. 18 19 20 21 The Government states that it recognizes that the problems caused by the armed conflict persist and that it maintains efforts to resolve any situations of violence. Documented cases include José Félix Orejuela, from the Los Manglares Community Council, Municipality of López de Micay in the Cauca Coast; Miladis Belaide, a leader internally displaced from Urabá, Chocó, to Cartagena, and member of the National Association of Solidarity Assistance; Milton Grueso Torres, leader of the Community Council of San José, also from López de Micay, Cauca; and Argenito Diaz, member of the Community Council and Organizations of Bajo Atrato, Chocó (ASCOBA). See A/HRC/14/24/Add.2. The unlawful killings of civilians, staged by the security forces to look like lawful killings in combat of guerrillas or criminals. 9