A/HRC/32/50 deprived of facilities and services afforded to the host populations. 71 Some governments have gone so far as to restrict the materials that migrants can use to build dwellings, in efforts to entrench the temporary nature of their homes, which contributes further to their stigmatization as a lesser class.72 In addition to spatial exclusion, these marginalized populations are often deprived of access to essential rights, such as education, health care, property and land ownership, and freedom of movement.73 (e) Europe 62. Europe has recently been at the centre of global media coverage and popular debates on the challenges of addressing the almost unprecedented influx of non-European migrants, asylum seekers and refugees. The region has been broadly criticized for its security approach to addressing migration, which at times has not met international human rights standards. Nearly two thirds (76 million) of all international migrants live in Europe,74 resulting in increased cultural heterogeneity and diversity in areas that are often grappling with economic decline and popular discontent. Migration from outside the region has been perceived as presenting a direct threat to the cultural character of individual countries and the region as a whole. Some governments in the region have favoured an assimilationist integration agenda over multiculturalism, which poses the risks of denying sociocultural rights to minority groups. 63. Europe is seeing rising levels of Islamophobia, the proliferation of political parties with overt anti-immigrant and often broader anti-minority agendas, and an overbearing security approach to migration control, as well as increasing street protests with high levels of xenophobic content. Europe has also witnessed a growing trend of Islamophobia, in addition to long-standing Romaphobia. This has translated into public opinion that sees Islam as inherently opposed to European values of democracy and secularism while in fact ignoring the reality of Muslim communities. “The rise of extremist and violent Islamist movements is often manipulated to portray Muslims in general as unable and unwilling to integrate into European societies and therefore as a security threat. Populist movements claiming to protest against the alleged Islamization of Europe mixed various aspects of Islamophobia with general xenophobic sentiments. It is frequently reported that women wearing a headscarf were sometimes subjected to verbal abuse and harassment in public.”75 64. According to the European Commission against Racism and Intolerance, generalized anti-immigration rhetoric was successfully used by populist parties during campaigning for the European Parliament elections that were held in May 2014.76 In this context, the overall model of multiculturalism was portrayed as a dangerous notion and a concept that has failed and is no longer desirable. 71 72 73 74 75 76 18 Mohamed Kamel Doraï, “From camp dwellers to urban refugees? Urbanization and marginalization of refugee camps in Lebanon”, Manifestations of Identity. The Lived Reality of Palestinian Refugees in Lebanon (2010), pp.75-92; and Simon Haddad, The Palestinian Impasse in Lebanon: The Politics of Refugee Integration (Sussex Academic Press, 2003). Simon Haddad, The Palestinian Impasse in Lebanon: The Politics of Refugee Integration. Mohamed Kamel Doraï, “From camp dwellers to urban refugees? Urbanization and marginalization of refugee camps in Lebanon”, pp. 75-92. Department of Economic and Social Affairs, “Trends in international migration”, available from www.un.org/en/development/desa/population/migration/publications/ populationfacts/docs/MigrationPopFacts20154.pdf (accessed on 12 May 2016). See the 2014 annual report on the activities of the European Commission against Racism and Intolerance, paras. 14 and 15. Michelle Hale Williams, “Can leopards change their spots? Between xenophobia and trans-ethnic populism among Western European far-right parties”, Nationalism and Ethnic Politics, vol. 16, No. 1, pp. 111-134.