A/HRC/50/60 should simply replace the 2030 Agenda but rather that Member States and the entire international development apparatus must open themselves to meaningful encounters with alternative epistemologies. 86. Secondly, more complete decolonization of the international order could be achieved by seriously revisiting the anti-imperial, redistributive and reparative project embodied in the new international economic order framework described above. Reconsideration, reanimation and refinement of those proposals could serve as a powerful counter to persistent institutionalized regimes of underdevelopment. 87. Decolonial initiatives are not confined to the more distant past. Contemporary Stateled and social movements also offer concrete measures that in the short- and medium-term would disrupt systems of underdevelopment. For example, several nations in the global South have carried out audits to repudiate illegitimate international debt. 130 Stop the Bleeding,131 a collective of African institutions that focuses on illicit financial flows, offers a brilliant critique of the approach set out in the Sustainable Development Goals to illicit financial flows, highlighting the fact that the annual loss for African economies due to illicit financial flows, including through tax evasion by multinational companies, exceeds what these economies receive in aid annually. Stop the Bleeding offers concrete proposals for structural change that would counter, rather than reinforce, racialized underdevelopment. 88. The right to development has the potential to enable claims for the transfer of resources and self-determination as urgent precursors of all human rights obligations. Unlike the commitments contained in the international development framework, which remain largely voluntary for States, or the infrastructure of the international trade and development institutions, which remain dominated by rich countries, the right to development advances a claim for redistributive justice that reflects the vision and needs of “underdeveloped” nations. The sustained resistance to the legal codification of the right to development, alongside resistance to any alternative legally mandated regimes of economic and technological redistribution, is indicative of an implicit commitment to an unjust and discriminatory status quo. 89. There is an urgent need to decolonize the study and operationalization of international economic theory. An approach to economics that puts the free market at the centre of the process for determining questions of production and distribution has come to dominate the field of economics and the major international institutions that comprise the international development framework. This approach has enabled the deprivation of human rights and racial discriminatory outcomes by the international economic system and has increasingly replaced the study and consideration of alternative economic theories. The call for decolonization necessarily implies transformations of academic disciplines that undergird global policy outcomes. 90. The Special Rapporteur is mindful of the importance of development programmes that explicitly redress historical injustices against indigenous communities and racially marginalized peoples and their contemporary manifestations. She highlights the urgency of reparative developmental approaches, which are envisioned in the Durban Declaration and Programme of Action. The Special Rapporteur recalls her previous report on the human rights obligations of Member States in relation to reparations for racial discrimination rooted in slavery and colonialism, which provides guidance on reparations and development programmes.132 V. Recommendations 91. All development actors should mobilize their resources and their political will to unlock the unmet potential of the 2030 Agenda towards racial equality and racial justice. The Sustainable Development Goals should not be misused to dilute 130 131 132 A/64/289, paras. 42–48. See https://stopthebleedingafrica.org/about/. A/74/321, para. 54. 19