At times, when states take a “neutral” approach, minorities can suffer unintended damage as a result of even well meant policies. The roll out of ID cards in Uganda, for example, had a catastrophic impact on the Maragoli community who found themselves suddenly unable to get a job, buy or sell land, obtain a mobile phone because the ID card rollout had inadvertently excluded them. Untailored initiatives applied to diverse populations are never purely technical or “neutral” exercises. Too few initiatives are assessed for minority inclusion. This can be done at the planning phases or as a post hoc review with participation of minorities. MRG has completed such analyses of loan finance, humanitarian provision, and other programmes revealing in many cases clear biases. This is still all too rare. Enabling citizens to understand, interrogate, challenge and influence budgets for services at the local level is key. It can lead to new schools, clinics, and other initiatives that meet minority needs. This process can help rebuild trust damaged by years of invisibility and exclusion. Finally let’s not forget monitoring progress. Too few states systematically collect and publish disaggregated data. Even the SDG indicators have not risen to the challenge set by the UN General Assembly to disaggregate data fully. Minority data is rare but intersectional data, that pays attention to those within minority communities experiencing multiple disadvantages, due to gender, age, disability or SOGI is rarer still. Some states show what can be done (e.g. Brazil) but many remain reluctant for political reasons. Minorities who are also migrants face specific challenges. More often than not they are banned from working. Ethiopians in Tunisia, Syrian in Denmark, Afghan in Pakistan have socioeconomic inclusion rights set aside on the basis of a move across a border. Many minorities fear to approach the authorities because they have experienced discrimination from them in the past, but this effect is far worse for undocumented migrants who are extremely vulnerable to exploitation and abuse by employers as a result. The Special Rapporteur usefully reminded us about the indivisibility of all human rights. If you belong to a religious minority, and colleagues at work have faced blasphemy allegations, will you ask for equal pay or promotion? If you know that CSO leaders arguing for equality are being arrested, will you dialogue with an authority to meet your needs? If you know that you may have to flee your country at short notice, will you invest in building up a business. My recommendations include Supporting para legal networks, shadow anti-discrimination monitoring bodies, participatory local budget monitoring, working to change hearts and minds, supporting carefully designed and communicated positive measures including minority tailored support, assessing whether minorities are benefiting from policies and projects, collecting and publishing disaggregated data, support fellowships for young minorities to allow them to gain experience and break through barriers. We can make these recommendations but the critical question is whether the poliical will exists to make them a reality. Achieving the social and economic inclusion of minorities is possible. And we know how to do it. It is frustrated primarily by a lack of political willingness to set aside short term expediencies, to challenge unfair privilege and to prioritise building cohesive, equitable and inclusive societies where all can blossom and where we all ultimately benefit from peace, stability and sustainable development.