A/HRC/17/33 67. On the other hand, while some destination countries have generally granted resident foreigners political liberties, most do not allow them to vote or to be elected.31 Many States do, however, permit their citizens living permanently abroad to participate in national elections. Variations in State practices regarding the franchise32 for non-citizens are generally linked to broader immigration and citizenship policies. Some traditional immigration countries have not pursued non-citizen voting in part because they encourage immigrants to naturalize. Other States tend to put less emphasis on naturalization and do not regard the franchise as being necessarily tied to formal citizenship. Finally, some countries that have only recently experienced substantial immigration have not even begun to seriously consider such a move. Whatever these differences, in most countries the rates of naturalization are lower than those of immigration, even considering the minimum required time-length as a condition for naturalization. This makes countries of destination with democratic political systems ever less representative of their populations, and thus the question of the franchise grows increasingly important. Granting non-citizens a franchise at the national level is not imperative if access to citizenship is sufficiently open. The Special Rapporteur does, however, make a general recommendation for a local franchise for immigrants who have been legal residents for several years. 68. With regards to communities of migrant origin, the Special Rapporteur recalls that these communities include citizens as well as non-citizen residents, whatever their legal status in the country might be (i.e. regular or not). The political integration of these persons of migrant origin depends not only on their individual rights, but also on opportunities and incentives for their participation in political life. Access to political rights through admission to citizenship or through extending the franchise to noncitizens would not alleviate the problematic if the new citizens have lower voting rates in elections and are strongly underrepresented in public offices, parliaments and political parties. 69. Although most countries with migrant populations do not oblige their citizens to vote, there is certainly a public interest in facilitating and encouraging political participation as a form of active citizenship. High rates of participation strengthen the democratic legitimacy of political authority and may also promote political community through a shared sense of common responsibilities. Low participation rates correlate strongly with socio-economic status and thus create a class bias in democratic politics. With regard to the political participation of ethnic and racial minorities, this represents an issue of special concern. In democratic societies, these communities are more vulnerable when they are politically isolated. They are more easily targeted as outsiders, cannot voice their own interests, and often come to be regarded as second-class citizens. For these groups of migrant origin which also consist of ethnic and racial minorities, low rates of political participation do not result from their own choices but are due to other circumstances, some of which can be influenced by public policy. 70. The Special Rapporteur deems it important that countries of destination consider immigration reform in their citizenship policies so that migrants who settle in do not remain shut out from its public political life. Such policies would combine access to the nationality of their host country in accordance with required length of residency, together with political rights and duties independent of nationality. Permitting and encouraging the political participation of long-term resident migrants would make the democratic process more representative. This would enhance its general legitimacy, improve the quality of decision making in matters that concern groups of migrant origin (such as education, remuneration, 31 32 Historically, voting was not always strictly tied to nationality. For example, throughout the nineteenth century and into the early twentieth century, a number of states in the United States granted the franchise to certain classes of non-citizens. It should be understood here as the right to vote in public elections. 17