A/HRC/49/46 (Crimea40 and Donbas), the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland in the second half of the twentieth century (Northern Ireland) and Yemen (Shiites) all involved, without prejudging the accuracy or validity of the claims, grievances from indigenous and minority communities relating to exclusion, discrimination and inequalities that had festered over long periods of time before violent conflict erupted with State authorities – in line with the analysis contained in the 2018 United Nations/World Bank joint report regarding the main drivers of most contemporary conflicts. 47. These are conflicts where minorities arguably did not equally benefit in terms of access to appropriate and adapted public education (including where practicable in their own languages), were not able to effectively and proportionally participate or be represented politically, did not have equal access to public services or presence and employment in the civil service, were persecuted or attacked as disloyal or somehow a threat to the “nation”, or had other grievances, such as the loss or denial of land ownership or not having an equal share of the benefits of resource exploitation and development. 48. To be more precise from a human rights point of view, in all of the above situations, the long-standing and largely unaddressed grievances of minority and indigenous communities created the conditions that polarized a segment of these communities, which eventually resorted to separatist actions or violence as the only possible remedy for what was perceived as the exclusionary or discriminatory preferences or conduct of authorities, and the biases of these authorities and institutions against the interests of the minorities and indigenous communities. These discriminatory preferences or conduct and perceived biases could all be considered as a violation of international human rights standards. Three examples from the above list illustrate the kind of grievances – and their human rights dimension – that directly and eventually led to a violent conflict. 49. The Northern Ireland conflict in the United Kingdom eventually, after a long period of grievances, crystalized in the 1960s over demands for equality by members of the Catholic minority. Civil rights marches began in 1968 under banners demanding, among others, “one man, one vote” because not everyone had the right to vote in local elections. Local elections in Northern Ireland were restricted to people who paid local taxes. Since members of the Catholic minority tended to be poorer than those of the Protestant majority community, and to be less likely to have a job, they were less likely to be taxpayers, with the result that fewer Catholics had a vote in local elections. Other grievances of exclusion and discrimination could also be added, for example, employers could openly reject applications from members of the Catholic minority since there was no general human rights legislation applicable in Northern Ireland. The suppression, sometimes violent, of the civil rights marches of the 1960s and 1970s led to increasing violence from both sides of the religious divide and to a conflict that lasted decades – and that even to this day is not completely extinguished. 50. It was also in the 1960s that a violent separatist group started to use bombings and assassinations in the minority French-speaking province of Quebec in Canada. At the time, Canada was not yet an officially bilingual country, and, despite representing close to one third of the population of the country, French-speaking Canadians were vastly underrepresented, particularly in economic and employment spheres. Arguably again, the existing exclusion and inequalities – and the absence of any right to use the French language in many contexts for many decades – were obvious drivers of the violence. It was in this context, and in part to address the grievances around discrimination and exclusion, that Canada adopted its first national official languages act, thus opening the door to significant employment opportunities for French-speaking (usually bilingual) civil servants and recognizing the bilingual and multicultural nature of the country. 51. The more recent conflict in Cameroon involves members of the English-speaking minority, some 16 per cent of the entire population of the officially bilingual country. The general pattern is similar to the two previous examples, and has included long-standing grievances of marginalization or disenfranchisement of the minority and biases towards those belonging to the French-speaking majority, including in such areas as: the claimed refusal or 40 12 Autonomous Republic of Crimea and the city of Sevastopol, Ukraine, temporarily occupied by the Russian Federation.